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1 She was twelve at the time of the February Revolution of 1917, during which she favored Alexander Kerensky over Tsar Nicholas II. The subsequent October Revolution and the rule of the Bolsheviks under Vladimir Lenin disrupted the life the family had previously enjoyed.
2 Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky (/ˈkɛrənski, kəˈrɛnski/ KERR-ən-skee, kə-REN-skee;
3 Alexander Kerensky was born in Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk) on the Volga River on 4 May 1881 and was the eldest son in the family.
4 His father, Fyodor Mikhailovich Kerensky, was a teacher and director of the local gymnasium and was later promoted to be an inspector of public schools.
5 Kerensky's father was the teacher of Vladimir Ulyanov (Lenin), and members of the Kerensky and Ulyanov families were friends.
6 In 1889, when Kerensky was eight, the family moved to Tashkent, where his father had been appointed the main inspector of public schools (superintendent).
7 Kerensky joined the Narodnik movement and worked as a legal counsel to victims of the Revolution of 1905.
8 In 1912, Kerensky became widely known when he visited the goldfields at the Lena River and published material about the Lena Minefields incident.
9 In the same year, Kerensky was elected to the Fourth Duma as a member of the Trudoviks, a moderate, non-Marxist labour party founded by Alexis Aladin that was associated with the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, and joined a Freemason society uniting the anti-monarchy forces that strived for the democratic renewal of Russia.
10 In fact, the Socialist Revolutionary Party bought Kerensky a house, as he otherwise wouldn't be elective for the Duma, according to the Russian property-laws.
11 He was a brilliant orator and skilled parliamentary leader of the socialist opposition to the government of Tsar Nicholas II. During the 4th Session of the Fourth Duma in spring 1915, Kerensky appealed to Rodzianko with a request from the Council of elders to inform the Tsar that to succeed in war he must: 1) change his domestic policy, 2) proclaim a General Amnesty for political prisoners, 3) restore the Constitution of Finland, 4) declare the autonomy of Poland, 5) provide national minorities autonomy in the field of culture, 6) abolish restrictions against Jews, 7) end religious intolerance, 8) stop the harassment of legal trade union organizations.
12 Kerensky was an active member of the irregular Freemasonic lodge, the Grand Orient of Russia's Peoples, which derived from the Grand Orient of France.
13 Kerensky was Secretary General of the Grand Orient of Russia's Peoples and stood down following his ascent to government in July 1917.
14 In response to bitter resentments held against the imperial favourite Grigori Rasputin in the midst of Russia's failing effort in World War I, Kerensky, at the opening of the Duma on 2 November 1916, called the imperial ministers "hired assassins" and "cowards", and alleged that they were "guided by the contemptible Grishka Rasputin!"
15 According to Kerensky, Rasputin had terrorised the empress by threatening to return to his native village.
16 Shortly after the February Revolution of 1917, Kerensky ordered soldiers to re-bury the corpse at an unmarked spot in the countryside.
17 When the February Revolution broke out in 1917, Kerensky - together with Pavel Milyukov - was one of its most prominent leaders.
18 As one of the Duma's most well-known speakers against the monarchy and as a lawyer and defender of many revolutionaries, Kerensky became a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and was elected vice-chairman of the newly formed Petrograd Soviet.
19 Kerensky became one of the members representing the Social Revolutionary party (the SRs).
20 Kerensky's role in these orders are unclear, but he participated in the decisions.
21 As there was little trust between Ispolkom and this Government (and as he was about to accept the office of Attorney General in the Provisional Government), Kerensky gave a most passionate speech, not just to the Ispolkom, but to the entire Petrograd Soviet.
22 In the moment you begin to doubt me, then kill me." The huge majority (workers and soldiers) gave him great applause, and Kerensky now became the first and the only one who participated in both the Provisional Government and the Ispolkom.
23 As a link between Ispolkom and the Provisional Government, the quite ambitious Kerensky stood to benefit from this position.
24 After the first government crisis over Pavel Milyukov's secret note re-committing Russia to its original war-aims on 2–4 May, Kerensky became the Minister of War and the dominant figure in the newly-formed socialist-liberal coalition government.
25 On 10 May (Julian calendar), Kerensky started for the front and visited one division after another, urging the men to do their duty.
26 Under Allied pressure to continue the war, he launched what became known as the Kerensky Offensive against the Austro-Hungarian/German South Army on 1 July [O.S. 18 June] 1917.
27 The military heavily criticised Kerensky for his liberal policies, which included stripping officers of their mandates and handing over control to revolutionary-inclined "soldier committees" (Russian: солдатские комитеты, romanized: soldatskie komitety) instead;
28 Many officers jokingly referred to commander-in-chief Kerensky as the "persuader-in-chief" On 2 July 1917 the Provisional Government's first coalition collapsed over the question of Ukraine's autonomy.
29 Following the July Days unrest in Petrograd (3–7 July [16–20 July, N.S.] 1917) and the official suppression of the Bolsheviks, Kerensky succeeded Prince Lvov as Russia's Prime Minister on 21 July [O.S. 8 July] 1917.
30 On 15 September Kerensky proclaimed Russia a republic, which was contrary to the non-socialists' understanding that the Provisional Government should hold power only until a Constituent Assembly should meet to decide Russia's form of government, but which was in line with the long-proclaimed aim of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.